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HON. GEORGE BANCROFT'S ORATION, pronounced in New 
York, April 25, 1865, at the Obsequies of Abraham Lincoln. 

THE FUNERAL ODE, by William Cullen Bryant. 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, 
January 1, 1863. 

HIS LAST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1865. 

A CORRECT PORTRAIT OF THE LATE PRESIDENT 
LINCOLN. 



NEW YORK : 
SCHEEMEEHOEl^, BANCROFT & CO., 

130 GRAND STREET : 
PHILADELPHIA, 513 ARCH STREET. 
AxTIERICAN NEWS COMPANY, NEW YORK. ' 



June. 1865- 



For full list of Pulpit «& Rostrum, see advf rtising pagfes- 



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WEBSTER'S NEW DICTIONARY, 

WITH) 3,®Q0 BLLiSTRJllrrjaMS, 



,,_ The best English Dictionary— (1) In its Etymologies; so says 
the Nortli American Review for January, I860. (2) VocABrLAEY ; has 
114,000 words— 10,000 more than any other Enghsh Dictionary. (3) 
Definitions; always excelling in this, made now still more valuable. 
(5) Pronunciation ; Prof. Pvussell, the eminent orthoepist, declares the 
revised Webster '• the noblest contribution to science, literature, and edu- 
cation . . yet produced." (6) Pictorial iLLrsTRAXiONS. (7) Tables, 
one of which, that of Fictitious Names, is worth the cost of the volume. 
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learned trea-^Js-s <>f"its Introduction, in its carefully prepared and valuable appendices.— 
briefly in its general accuracy, completeness, and practical utility.— the work is one which 
none'who rend or write can hencefortcard afford to dispeme with.— Atlantic Monthly. 

Mind. Matter. Monet. Beauty— "Webster's Quarto Dictionary, as now published, has 
cost niore'intellectual labor, more money in its "frettins up,'' Mnd contains more matter, and a 
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Published by G. & C. MERRIAM, Springfield, Mass, 



^ 





PtidLished by 

■u .wO. A. r^ KeywYor-k. Sr PMi^ui« 




ORATION 

Pronounced in Union Sqiiare^ April 25, 1865, at the 

Funeral Obsequies of Abraham Lincoln 

in the City of Ncio York. 

BY GEORGE BANCROFT. 



Our grief and horror at the crime which has 
clothed the continent in mournino:, find no ade- 
quate expression in words and no relief in tears. 
The President of the United States of America 
has fallen by the hands of an assassin. Neither 
tlie office with which he was invested hj the ap- 
proved choice of a mighty people, nor the most 
simple-hearted kindliness of nature, could save 
him from the fiendish passions of relentless fanat- 
icism. The wailings of the millions attend his 
remains as they are borne in solemn procession 
over our great rivers, along the seaside, beyond 
the mountains, across the prairie, to their resting 
place in the Valley of the Mississippi. His 
funeral knell vibrates through the world, and the 
friends of freedom of every tongue and in every 
clime are his mourners. 

Too few days have passed away since Abra- 



ham Lincoln stood in the flush of vif^oroua man- 
hood, to permit any attempt at an analysis of his 
character or an exposition of his career. We find 
it hard to believe that his large eyes, which in 
their softness and beauty ex]3ressed nothing but 
benevolence and gentleness, are closed in death ; 
we almost look for the j)leasant smile that brought 
out more vividly the earnest cast of his features, 
which were serious even to sadness. A few years 
ago he was a village attorney, engaged in the sup- 
port of a rising family, unknown to fame, scarcely 
named beyond his neighborhood; his adminis- 
tration made him the most conspicuous man in 
his country, and drew on him first the astonished 
gaze, and then the respect and admiration of the 
world. 

Those who come after us will decide how much 
of the wonderful results of his public career is due 
to his own good common sense, his shrewd saga- 
city, readiness of wit, quick interpretation of the 
public mind, his rare combination of fixedness 
and pliancy, his steady tendency of purpose ; how 
much to the American people, who, as he walked 
with them side by side, inspired him with their 
own wisdom and energy ; and how much to the 
overruling laws of the moral world, by which the 
selfishness of evil is made to defeat itself But 
after every allowance, it will remain that mem 



8 



bers of the Government wliicli preceded his Ad- 
ministration opened the gates to treason, and he 
closed them ; that when he went to "Washington 
the ground on which he trod shook nuclei* his 
feet, and he left the republic on a solid founda- 
tion ; that traitors had seized public forts and 
arsenals, and he recovered them for the United 
States, to whom they belonged ; that the capital, 
which he found the abode of slaves, is now the 
home only of the free ; that the boundless public 
domain, which was grasped at, and, in a great 
measure, held for the diftusion of slavery, is now 
irrevocably devoted to freedom ; that then men 
talked a jargon of a balance of power in a repub- 
lic between Slave States and Free States, and now 
the foolish words are blown away forever by the 
breath of Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee ; 
that a terrible cloud of political heresy rose from 
the abyss, threatening to hide the light of the sun, 
and under its darkness a rebellion was growing 
into indefinable proportions ; now the atmosphere 
is purer than ever before, and the insurrection is 
vanishing away ; the country is cast into another 
mould, and the gigantic system of wrong, which 
had been the work of more than two centuries^ 
is dashed down, we hope forever. And as to 
himself personally : he was then scoffed at by the 
proud as unfit for his station, and now, against the 



usage of later years and in spite of numerous com- 
petitors, lie was the unbiassed and the undoubted 
choice of the American people for a second term 
of service. Through all the mad business of 
treason he retained the sweetness of a most j)laca- 
ble disposition ; and the slaughter of myriads of 
the best on the battle field and the more terrible 
destruction of our men in captivity by the slow 
torture of exposure and starv^ation, had never 
been able to provoke him into harboring one 
vengeful feeling or one purpose of cruelty. 

How shall the nation most completely show 
its sorrow at Mr. Lincoln's death ? How shall it 
best honor his memory ? Tiiere can be but one 
answer. He was struck down when he was high- 
est in its service, and in strict conformity with 
duty w^as engaged in carrying out principles 
affecting its life, its good name, and its relations 
to the cause of freedom and the progress of man- 
kind. Grief must take the character of action, 
and breathe itself forth in the assertion of the 
policy to which he fell a victim. The standard 
which he held in his hand must be ujjlifted again 
higher and more firmly than before, and must be 
carried on to triumph. Above everything else, 
his proclamation of the first day of January, 1863, 
declaring throughout the parts of the country in 



rebellion the freedom of all persons who had been 
held as slaves, must be aflSrmed and maintained. 

Events, as they rolled onward, have removed 
every doubt of the legality and binding force of 
that proclamation. The country and the rebel 
government have each laid claim to the public 
service of the slave, and yet but one of the two 
can have a rightful claim to such service. That 
rightful claim belongs to the United States, be- 
cause every one born on their soil, with the few 
exceptions of the children of travellers and tran- 
sient residents, owes them a primary allegiance. 
Every one so born has been counted among those 
represented in Congress; every slave has ever 
been represented in Congress ;--imperfectly and 
wrongly it may be— but still has been counted 
and represented. The slave born on our soil 
always owed allegiance to the General Govern- 
ment. It may in time past have been a qualified 
allegiance, manifested through his master, as the 
allegiance of a ward through its guardian or of 
an infant through its parent. But when the mas- 
ter became false to his allegiance the slave stood 
face to fiice with his country, and his allegiance, 
which may before have been a qualified one, be- 
came direct and immediate. His chains fell off, 
and he rose at once in the presence of the na- 
tion, bound, like the rest of us, to its defence. 



6 



Mr. Lincoln's proclamation did but take notice 
of the already existing right of the bondman to 
freedom. The treason of the master made it a 
public crime for the slave to continue his obe- 
dience ; the treason of a State set free the collec- 
tive bondmen of that St^te. 

This doctrine is supported by the analogy of 
precedents.. In the times of feudalism the trea- 
son of the lord of the manor deprived him of his 
serfs ; the spurious feudalism that existed among 
us differs in many respects from the feudalism of 
the middle ages ; but so far the precedent runs 
parallel with the present case; for treason the 
master then, for treason the master now, loses his 
slaves. 

In the middle ages, the sovereign appointed 
another lord over the serfs and the land which 
they cultivated ; in our day, the sovereign makes 
them masters of their own persons, lords over 
themselves. 

It has been said that we are at war, and that 
emancipation is not a belligerent right. The ob- 
jection disappears before analysis. In a war be- 
tween independent powers, the invading foreigner 
invites to his standard all who will give him aid, 
whether bond or free, and he rewards them ac- 
cording to his ability and his pleasure with gifts 
or freedom ; but when at a peace he withdraws 



from the invaded country, he must take his aiders 
and comforters with him ; or if he leaves them 
behind, where he has no court to enforce his de- 
crees, he can give them no security, unless it be 
by the stipulations of a treaty. In a civil war it 
is altoorether different. There, when rebellion is 
crushed, the old government is restored, and its 
courts resume their jurisdiction. So it is with 
us ; the United States have courts of their own, 
that must punish the guilt of treason and vindi- 
cate the freedom of persons whom the fact of 
rebellion has set free. 

ISTor may it be said, that because slavery ex- 
isted in most of the States when the Union was 
formed, it cannot rightfully be interfered with 
now. A change has taken place, such as Madi- 
son foresaw, and for which he pointed out the 
remedy. The constitutions of States had been 
transformed before the plotters of treason car- 
ried them away into rebellion. When the Federal 
Constitution was framed, general emancipation 
was thought to be near ; and everywhere the re- 
spective legislatures had authority, in the exer- 
cise of their ordinary functions, to do away with 
slavery ; since that time the attempt has been 
made in what are called Slave States, to render the 
condition of slavery perpetual ; and events have 
proved with the clearness of demonstration, that 



8 



a constitution which seeks to continue a caste of 
hereditary bondmen through endless generations 
is inconsistent with the existence of republican 
institutions. 

So, then, the new President and the people of 
the United States must insist that the proclama- 
tion of freedom shall stand as a reality. And, 
moreover, the people must never cease to insist that 
the Constitution shall be so amended as utterly to 
prohibit slavery on any j^art of our soil for evermore. 

Alas ! that a State in our vicinity should with- 
hold its assent to this last beneficent measure ; its 
refusal was an encouragement to our enemies 
equal to the gain of a pitched battle ; and delays 
the only hopeful method of pacification. The re- 
moval of the cause of the rebellion is not only 
demanded by justice; it is the policy of mercy, 
making room for a wider clemency ; it is the part 
of order against a chaos of controversy ; its suc- 
cess brings with it true reconcilement, a lasting 
peace, a continuous growth of confidence through 
an assimilation of the social condition. Here is 
the fitting expression of the mourning of to-day. 

And let no lover of his country say that this 
warning is uncalled for. The cry is delusive that 
slavery is dead. Even now it is nerving itself for 
a fresh struggle for continuance. The last winds 
from the South waft to us the sad intelhgence 



that a man, who bad surrounded himself with 
the glory of the most brilliant and most varied 
achievements, who but a week ago was counted 
with affectionate pride among the greatest bene- 
factors of his country and the ablest generals of 
all time, has initiated the exercise of more than 
the whole power of the Executive, and under the 
name of peace has, perhaps unconsciously, re 
vived slavery and given the hope of security 
and political power to traitors from the Chesa- 
peake to the Rio Grande. Why could he not 
remember the dying advice of Washington, never 
to draw the sword but for self-defence or the 
rights of his country, and when drawn, never to 
sheathe it till its work should be accomplished ? ' 
And yet from this ill-considered act, which the 
people with one united voice condemn, no great 
evil will follow save the shadow on his own fame, 
and that also Ave hope will pass away. The- 
individual, even in the greatness of military glory, 
sinks into insignificance before the resistless move- 
ments of ideas in the history of man. No one 
can turn back or stay the march of Providence. 

No sentiment of despair may mix with our sor- 
row. We owe it to the memory of the dead, we owe 
it to the cause of popular liberty throughout the 
world, that the sudden crime which has taken the 
life of the President of the United States shall not 
1* 



10 



produce the least impediment in the smooth course 
of public affairs. This great city, in the midst of 
unexampled emblems of deeply seated grief, has 
sustained itself with composure and magnanimity. 
It has nobly done its part in guarding against the 
derangement of business or the slightest shock to 
public credit. The enemies of the republic put 
it to the severest trial ; but the voice of faction 
has not been heard ; doubt and desj)ondency have 
been unknown. In serene majesty the country 
rises in the beauty and strength and hope of 
youth, and proves to the world the quiet energy 
and the durability of institutions growing out of 
the reason and affections of the people. 

Heaven has willed it that the United States 
shall live. The nations of the earth cannot spare 
them. All the worn-out aristocracies of Europe 
saw in the spurious feudalism of slaveholding their 
strongest outj)ost, and banded themselves together 
with the deadly enemies of our national life. If the 
Old World will discuss the respective advantages 
of oligarchy or equality ; of the union of church 
and state, or the rightful freedom of religion ; of 
land accessible to the many or of laud monopo- 
lized by an ever-decreasing number of the few, 
the United States must live to control the decision 
by their quiet and unobtrusive example. It has 
often and truly been observed that the trust and 



11 



affection of the masses gather naturally round an 
individual ; if the inquiry is made whether the 
man so trusted and beloved shall elicit from the 
reason of the people enduring institutions of their 
own, or shall sequester political power for a super- 
intending dynasty, the United States must live to 
solve the problem. If a question is raised on the 
resjDective merits of Timoleon or Julius Csesar, of 
Washington or Napoleon, the United States must 
be there to call to mind that there were twelve 
Cs8sars, most of them the opprobrium of the 
human race, and to contrast with them the line of 
American Presidents. 

The duty of the hour is incomplete, our mourn- 
ing is insincere, if, while we express unwavering 
trust in the great princijDles that underlie our 
government, we do not also give our support to 
the man to whom the people have intrusted its 
administration. 

Andrew Johnson is novv% by the Constitution, 
the President of the United States, and he stands 
before the world as the most conspicuous repre- 
sentative of the industrial classe^i. Left an orphan 
at four years old, poverty and toil were his steps 
to honor. His youth was not passed in the halls 
of colleges ; nevertheless he has received a thor- 
ough political education in statesmanship in the 
school of the people and by long experience of 



12 



public life. A village functionary ; member suc- 
cessively of each branch of the Tennessee Legisla- 
ture, hearing with a thrill of joy the words, ^' The 
Union, it must be preserved ; " a representative in 
Congress for successive years; Governor of the 
great State of Tennessee ; ap]3roved as its Gov- 
ernor by reelection ; he was at the opening of the 
rebellion a Senator from that State in Congress. 
Then at the Capitol, when Senators, un rebuked 
by the Government, sent word by telegram to 
seize forts and arsenals, he alone from that South- 
ern region told them what the Government did 
not dare to tell them, that they were traitors, and 
deserved the punishment of treason. Undismayed 
by a perpetual pui-pose of public enemies to take 
his life, bearing up against the still greater trial 
of the persecution of his wife and children, in due 
time he went back to his State, determined to 
restore it to the Union, or die with the x\merican 
flag for his winding sheet. And now, at the call 
of the United States, he has returned to Washing- 
ton as a conqueror, with Tennessee as a Free State 
for his trophy. It remains for him to consummate 
the vindication of the Union. 

To that Union Abraham Lincoln has fallen a 
martyr. His death, which was meant to sever it 
beyond repair, binds it more closely and more 
firmly than ever. The blow aimed at him, 



IS 

was aimed nofc at the native of Kentucky, not at 
the citizen of Illinois, but at the man who, as 
President, in the executive branch of the Gov- 
ernment, stood as the representative of every man 
in the United States. The object of the ci'ime 
was the life of the whole people ; and it wounds 
the affections of the whole people. From Maine 
to the southwest boundary on the Pacific, it makes 
us one. The country may have needed an imper- 
ishable grief to touch its inmost feeling. The grave 
that receives the remains of Lincoln, receives 
the costly sacrifice to the Union ; the monument 
which will rise over his body will bear witness to 
a the Union ; his enduring memory will assist dur- 

^ ing countless ages to bind the States together, and 

to incite to the love of our one undivided, indi- 
visible country. Peace to the ashes of our de- 
parted friend, the friend of his country and his 
race. He was happy in his life, for he was the 
restorer of the republic; he was happy in his 
death, for his martyrdom will plead forever for 
the Union of the States and the freedom of man. 



ODE 

FOR THE FUNERAL OF ABRAHAM LLNCOLK. 
BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT. 

On, slow to smite and swift to spare, 
Gentle and merciful and just ! 

Who, in the fear of God, did'st bear 
The sword of power — a nation's trust, 

In sorrow by thy bier I stand, 
Amid the awe that hushes all, 

And speak the anguish of a land 

That shook with horror at thy fall. 

Thy task is done — the bond are free; 

We bear thee to an honored grave, 
Whose noblest monument shall be 

The broken fetters of the slave. 

Pure was thy life ; its bloody close 
Hath placed thee with the sons of light, 

Among the noble host of those 

Who perished in the cause of right. 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S 

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 



January 1st, 1863. 



Wheeeas, On the twenty-second day of Sep- 
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was 
issued by the President of the United States, con- 
taining, among other things, the following, to wit . 

"That on the first day of January, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any 
State, or designated part of a State, the people 
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the 
United States, shall be thenceforth and forever 
free, and the Executive Government of the United 
States, including the military and naval authori- 
ties thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
dom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to 



16 

repress such persons, or any of tliem, m any effort 
they may make for their actual freedom. 

" That the Executive will, on the first day of 
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the 
States, and parts of States, if any, in which the peo- 
ple therein respectively shall then be in rebellion 
against the United States, and the fact that any 
State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be 
in good faith represented in the Congress of the 
United States, by members chosen thereto at elec- 
tions wherein a majority of the qualified voters of 
such States shall have participated, shall, in the* 
absence of strong countervailing testimon}^, be 
deemed conclusive evidence that such State and 
the people thereof, are not then in rebellion 
against the United States." 

Now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, by virtue of the power in 
me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the army 
and navy of the United States in time of actual 
armed rebellion against the authority and gov- 
ernment of the United States, and as a fit and 
necessary war measure for suppressing said rebel- 
lion, do, on this first day of January, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six- 



17 

ty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to 
do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one 
hundred days from the day of the first above- 
mentioned order, designate as the States and parts 
of States wherein the j)eople thereof respectively 
are this day in rebellion against the United States, 
the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, 
except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, 
Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascen- 
sion, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. 
Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city 
of New Orleans, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, 
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and 
Virginia, except the forty-eight counties desig- 
nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of 
Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, 
York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the 
cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and which 
excepted parts are for the present left precisely as 
if this proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power and for the 2:)ur- 
pose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all per- 
sons held as slaves, within said designated States 
and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be 
free, and that the Executive Government of the 



18 

United States, including the military and naval 
authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain 
the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so 
declared to be free, to abstain from all violence 
unless in necessary self-defence, and I recommend 
to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor 
faithfully for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known 
that such persons of suitable condition, will be 
received into the armed service of the United 
States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and 
other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in 
said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be 
an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, 
upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate 
judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of 
Almighty God. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my 
hand and caused the seal of the United States to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this 

[l. s.] first day of January, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred 



19 

and sixty-tbree, and of the independence 
of the United States of America the 
eighty-seventh. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

By the President. 

Wm. H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, 
January 1, 1863. 



20 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S 

SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

March 4tli, 1865. 
»»> 

Fellow Couis^TRYMEiS" : — At this second ap- 
pearing to take the oatli of the Presidential office, 
there is less occasion for an extended address than 
there was at first. Then a statement of a course 
to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. 

Now, at the expiration of four years, during 
which public declarations have been constantly 
called forth on every point and phase of the great 
contest which still absorbs the attention and en- 
grosses the energies of the nation, little that is 
new could be presented. 

The progress of our arms, upon which all else 
chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as 
to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory 
and encouraging to all. With high hopes for the 
future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. 



21 

On tlie occasion corresponding to this, four 
years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed 
to an impending civil war. All dreaded it ; all 
souo^ht to avoid it. 

While the Inaugural Address was being de- 
livered from this place, devoted altogether to 
saving the Union without war, insurgent agents 
were in the city seeking to destroy it without 
war ; seeking to dissolve the Union and divide 
the effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated 
war, but one of them would make war rather 
than let the nation survive, and the other would 
accept war rather than let it perish ; and the war 
came. 

One eighth of the whole population were col- 
ored slaves, not distributed generally over the 
Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. 

These slaves constituted a peculiar and pow- 
erful interest. All knew that this interest was 
somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, 
perpetuate, and extend this interest was the 
object for which the insurgents would rend the 
Union by war, while the Government claimed no 
right to more than restrict the territorial enlarge- 
ment of it. 



22 

Neither party expected for tlie war the mag- 
nitude or the duration which it has ah-eady 
attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of 
the conflict might cease with, or e^en before the 
conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an 
easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and 
astounding. 

Both read the same Bible and pray to the 
same God, and each invokes His aid against the 
other. It may seem strange that any men should 
dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing 
their bread from the sweat of other men's faces ; 
but let us judge not, that we may not be judged. 
The prayer of both could not be answered. That 
of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty 
has His own purposes. " Woe unto the world 
because of offences, for it must needs be that 
offences come, but woe unto the man by whom 
the offence cometh." If we shall suppose that 
American slavery is one of these offences which, 
in the Providence of God, must needs come, but 
which having continued through his appointed 
time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives 
to both North and South this terrible war as the 
woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall 



23 

we discern therein any departure from those de- 
vine attributes which the believers in a livin^r 
God always ascribe to Him ? 

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, 
that this mighty scourge of vv\ar may speedily pass 
away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all 
the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred 
and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, 
and until every drop of blood drawn with the 
lash shall be paid by another drawn with the 
sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so 
still it must be said, the judgments of the Lord 
are true and righteous altogether. 

With malice toward no one, Vv^th charity for 
all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to 
see the right, let us strive on to finish the work 
we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care 
for him who shall have borne the battle, and for 
his widow and his orphans, to do all which may 
achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves and with all nations. 



THE AMERICAN 

EDUGATIONM. MONTHLY. 



" It should le read in every family. '^'^ 



Among the more important papers for 1865, will be "A Digest of 
Pedaojoo'ical Law ;" "Diseases Peculiar to Teachers, because of their 
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affiSiS^^s^s^si^S' 




MASON & HAMLIN'S 

CABINET ORGANS, 




FOR PARLORS, CHURCHES, AN4) SCHOOLS. 

Recognized by Musicians as unquestionably superior to all other small 
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Among those who have given explicit testimony to this superiority of the 
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LOWELL MASOX, THOMAS HASTIXGS, VVM. B. BRADBURY, 

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AXD MORE THAN TWO HUNDRED OF THE MOST DISTINGUISHED ORGANISTS OF 
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Illustrated Catalogues with lull particulars sent free {o any address. 

Caution to Purchasers. — The wide demand for our Cabinet Organs has 
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FACTORIES, Boston and Cambridge, Mass. 

WAREROOMS, 274 Washington-st., Boston; 596 Broadway, N. Y. 

Addreis, MASON & HAMLIN, Boston, or MASON BROTHEES, N. Y. 



